سعد موسى

Historically as part of the Habr Awal clan the Sa'ad Musa were part of the Adal Sultanate and are mentioned in the renowned "Futuh al-Habasha" for their major contributions in the Ethiopian-Adal war as the Habr Magaadle along with the Garhajis, Arap and Ayub clans against the Ethiopian Empire, and also for producing a historical figure known as Ahmad Gurey bin Husain who was the righthand partner of Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi and a chieftain for the Habr Magaadle forces during the Ethiopian–Adal war.^[13]

The Sa'ad Musa have a rich mercantile history largely due to their possession of the major Somali port of Berbera, which was the chief port and settlement of the wider Habr Awal clan during the early modern period.

The Habr Awal clan maintained close ties with the Emirate of Harar, where its members were influential in political, economic, and religious affairs. Harari Emirs held Habr Awal merchants in high esteem, relying on their trade networks linking Harar to Red Sea ports and the wider Indian Ocean world. In the mid-19th century, Richard Francis Burton noted their prominence in the court of Emir Ahmad III ibn Abu Bakr. The Habr awal members also held senior offices such as Malaq and Wazirwho was second in command of Harar, the latter being the second-highest position in the Emirate. The Habr Awal also exerted religious influence: during Burton’s visit, two leading Islamic scholars were from the clan of Kabir Khalil and Kabir Yonis, continuing an earlier legacy represented by Aw Muhammad, the Imam of Annajina, who helped spread Islam among the Oromo of Bali.^[14][15]

The Sa'ad Musa as a whole are a rich people, mainly thanks to the trade passing through the port of Berbera which lies in the territory of the Sa’ad Musa.^[16]

In this way the tribes occupying the tract of country through which the main caravan or trade routes passed accumulated a good deal of wealth, while those like the Ayal Ahmed, fortunate enough to possess a port so favored by Nature as Berbera, naturally soon became rich.^[17]

The Habr Awal merchants had extensive trade relations with Arab and Indian merchants from Arabia and the Indian subcontinent respectively. When these foreign traders arrived in Berbera and Bulhar to conduct trade, there was a mutually beneficial arrangement based on the abban (protection) system between them and the local Reer Yunis Nuh (Ayyal Yunis) and Ahmed Nuh (Ayyal Ahmed) lineages of the Sa’ad Musa:

Before this, and prior to the British settlement at Aden in 1839, the Ayyal Yunis and Ayyal Ahmed lineages of the Habr Awal clan had held Berbera and jointly managed its trade, sharing in the profits on all commercial transactions as ‘protectors’ (abans) of foreign merchants from Arabia and India. When under the stimulus of developments at Aden the port's prosperity markedly increased, the numerically dominant Ayyal Yunis drove out their rival kinsmen and declared themselves commercial masters of Berbera. This led to a feud in which each side sought outside help; the defeated Ayyal Ahmed turned to Haji Shirmarke ‘Ali and his Habr Yunis clansmen for support. With this backing, they were then able to re-establish themselves and to expel the Ayyal Yunis who moved to the small roadstead of Bulhar, some miles to the west of Berbera.^[18]

Not only did the Sa'ad Musa host foreign merchants at their ports, they also conducted trade missions on their own vessels to the Arabian ports.^[19] The majority of the Somali merchants who frequented Aden and other Southern Arabian ports hailed from the Sa'ad Musa clan. They procured various raw goods from Harar and the interior in exchange for manufactured goods. During their stay, the Sa'ad Musa rented their own houses and hired their own servants, whereas other Somali clans tended to stay with relatives already established across the Gulf.

Merchants. — These are generally members of the Sa'ad Musa tribe. They bring from Harrar and the Galla country, coffee, saffron (bastard), tusks (ivory), and feathers, taking away in return zinc, brass, broad cloth, and piece goods. They remain in Aden for about twenty days at a time during the trading season, which lasts about nine months,' making four trips. During their residence they hire a house, and are accompanied by their own domestics.^[20]

In the interior, Sa'ad Musa trade caravans (khafilas) were a frequent sight according to contemporary European accounts of the Somali Peninsula:

On leaving Hargeisa we travelled for many miles through beautiful park-like land, alive with birds and jungle fowl. We met the usual Somali khafilas [trading caravans] of Habr-Awal men, carrying their skins, gums, ghee, and coffee to our port at Bulhar, situated between Berbera and Zeila.^[21]

The Somalis from the deep interior, principally those from the Ogaden, also gained most of their resources from the Sa'ad Musa merchants who they called "iidoor", an enviable pejorative meaning merchant or trader, a reference to the mercantile nature of the Sa'ad Musa traders at the time.^[22] The coastal Sa'ad Musa (mainly of the Reer Ahmed Nuh sub-division) regularly acted as brokers/middlemen for the Somali clans of the interior who wished to take their goods to the ports of Berbera and Bulhar:

The custom is for the Ayal Achmet (Berbera tribe) to act as brokers, and too often most of the profits stick to the hands of the middleman. Till lately no Ogadayn ever went to the coast, but entrusted the goods to coast traders.^[23]

Battle of Berbera

When a British vessel named the Mary Anne attempted to dock in Berbera's port in 1825 it was attacked and multiple members of the crew were massacred by the Habr Awal, including the Sa'ad Musa. In response the Royal Navy enforced a blockade and some accounts narrate a bombardment of the city.^[24] In 1827 two years later the British arrived and extended an offer to relieve the blockade which had halted Berbera's lucrative trade in exchange for indemnity. Following this initial suggestion the Battle of Berbera 1827 would break out. After the Habr Awal defeat, 15,000 Spanish dollars was to be paid by the Habr Awal leaders for the destruction of the ship and loss of life.^[24]

The Isaaq SultanFarah Guled and Haji Ali penned a letter to Sultan bin Saqr Al Qasimi of Ras Al Khaimah requesting military assistance and joint religious war against the British.^[25]

لم يتحقق ذلك، إذ كان السلطان صقر عاجزًا بسبب حملة الخليج العربي السابقة عام ١٨١٩، ولم يتمكن من إرسال مساعدات إلى بربرة. وإلى جانب معقلهم في الخليج العربي وخليج عُمان، كان القاسميون نشطين للغاية عسكريًا واقتصاديًا في خليج عدن ، وكانوا يميلون إلى نهب ومهاجمة السفن حتى غربًا عند المخا على البحر الأحمر . ^{[ ٢٦ ]} وكانت لهم علاقات تجارية عديدة مع الصوماليين ، حيث كانت سفنهم الرئيسية من رأس الخيمة والخليج العربي تحرص على المشاركة بانتظام في المعارض التجارية في موانئ بربرة وزيلع الكبيرة ، وكانوا على دراية واسعة بجماعة سعد موسى. ^{[ ٢٧ ] [ ٢٨ ]}

تتمتع قبيلة سعد موسى بتقاليد قيادية عريقة، ويقودها سلطان من فرع أحمد عبد الله، وهو فرع كبير من قبيلة سعد موسى، يقطن معظمه في إثيوبيا . ويُعدّ سعد موسى الحكام التقليديين لسلطنة هبر أول منذ القرن الثامن عشر. ^{[ 29 ]} تاريخيًا، فضلت القبيلتان استخدام مصطلح "غاراد" المحلي، كما هو الحال مع قبيلة وارسانجلي ، إلا أنهما غيّرتا اسم اللقب لاحقًا إلى "سلطان"، على الرغم من أن الدور لا يزال متطابقًا. ^{[ 30 ]} كان غاراد هبر أول يحشد الرجال في أوقات الحرب، ويسوي النزاعات الكبيرة مع القبائل الأخرى، ويضطلع بدور الوسيط النهائي ( نابادون ). ^{[ 31 ]} تُوّج أول غاراد بنيين في نفس الفترة الزمنية تقريبًا التي تُوّج فيها أول سلطان لهبر يونس، ديرية عيناشا ، حيث انفصلت كلتا هاتين القبتين الكبيرتين عن وصاية الإيداجال، الذين كانوا الزعماء الرئيسيين لسلطنة إسحاق . بعد وفاته، لم يُنصِّب هبر أوال غرادًا جديدًا لعدة سنوات نظرًا لصغر سن ورثة بنيين، فتوَّج غراد عبد الله خلفًا لوالده عند بلوغه سن الرشد. وقد قاتل في الحدود الجنوبية لأراضي هبر أوال لحماية العشيرة من أعدائها وصدّ الغارات. وفي إحدى المرات، نجا بأعجوبة من هجوم مفاجئ من جدواق، حيث حشد أحمد عبد الله قواه بسرعة وأجبر المهاجمين على الفرار. ^{[ 32 ]}

Garaad Abdalla served for several decades and was received by travelling British officials near the southern limit of the protectorate in 1894 concerning expansion by General Ras Makonen on behalf of Menelik II.^[33] Garaad Abdalla alongside many other leaders in British Somaliland such as Sultan Deria Hassan and Sheikh Madar were worried about a devastating raid by the Abyssinian forces aimed at the burgeoning town Hargeisa and its environs. The Garaad was contacted by Makonen just two years later asking him and the Habr Awal to join the Ethiopian Empire but was rebuffed.^[34] Garaad Abdalla was approached by the Sultan of Habr Yunis when they had faced a drought, the Habr Yunis requested access to Habr Awal wells to water. Abdalla granted the request but some members of his clan thought he was too generous and helping the Habr Yunis at the expense of the wellbeing of their own stock. Chief amongst these people was his 15 year old Askar. When some of the Habr Yunis party came to water, Askar stepped in between the well and the men barring them access. He was reprimanded for his foolishness and told to step aside and obey his father's wishes. Enraged Askar stabbed the man who reprimanded him and war almost broke out at this action.^[31]

A wise Habr Awal bard from Bulhar named Aami stood and recited a gabay^[31]

The words too many have already been spoken about Yunis' foolish words

But righteous judgement pious to you according to ancient custom, bringing peace and (firmly) like a mountain

Very close to you lurk people, you enemies, from primeval times their commemorating a feud

If the time came when you were blinded by the quarrel, you would not respect it

Without hesitation, they suddenly fell upon you

All hostile tribes have heard the news of your quarrel

Like vultures, they all look greedily at your flesh!

تأثرت الأطراف بكلماته، فعملوا على حل نزاعهم. وقدّم غرعد عبد الله يد إحدى بناته للشاعر مكافأةً له على جهوده. ^{[ 31 ]} بعد وفاة عبد الله، خلفه ابنه الأكبر عسكر في منصب الغرعد. كان عسكر فارسًا ماهرًا، وقاتل في صفوف القوات الجنوبية من العشيرة ضد الدراويش الذين بدأوا يشنون غارات على هبر أول وعشائر أخرى في المنطقة. حشد الشيخ مدار القوات الشمالية من هبر أول، الذين كانوا، على عكس أحمد عبد الله وبعض القبائل الأخرى، يقيمون في الغالب داخل حدود الصومال البريطاني . ^{[ 35 ] [ 36 ]} بعد وفاة عسكر، تولى شقيقه الأصغر ديريا منصب الغرعد، وعلى عكس أخيه ووالده، كان أكثر اهتمامًا بشؤون مجتمع هبر أول، إذ ساد جو من السلام النسبي بعد هزيمة الدراويش، مما قلل الحاجة إلى القتال. ^{[ 37 ]} واجه ديريي منافسًا آخر على منصبه كغاراد، والتفّت صحيفة هبر أوال حوله ورفضت المدّعي. ^{[ 38 ]}

بعد وفاة ديريا، تُوِّج ابنه عبد الرحمن، وكان أول زعيم لإمارة هبر أول يُلقِّب نفسه بـ"السلطان" بدلاً من "غاراد". كان عبد الرحمن يشبه والده إلى حد كبير، إلا أنه كان أكثر نشاطاً في شؤون المحمية. ^{[ 37 ]}

في عام 1955، كان السلطان عبد الرحمن درعية عضواً في وفد مؤلف من أربعة سياسيين وسلاطين إلى لندن ، المملكة المتحدة . وكان هدفهم تقديم التماس والضغط على الحكومة البريطانية لإعادة الأراضي المفقودة بموجب المعاهدة والمعروفة باسم "منطقة هود المحمية" التي تم التنازل عنها للإمبراطورية الإثيوبية بموجب المعاهدة الأنجلو-إثيوبية لعام 1954. ^{[ 39 ]}

في كتابه "السياسات الإمبريالية والقومية في إنهاء استعمار أرض الصومال، 1954-1960" ، كتب المؤرخ جامع محمد:

The N.U.F. campaigned for the return of the territories both in Somaliland and abroad. In March 1955, for instance, a delegation consisting of Michael Mariano, Abokor Haji Farah and Abdi Dahir went to Mogadisho to win the support and co-operation of the nationalist groups in Somalia. And in February and May 1955 another delegation consisting of two traditional Sultans (Sultan Abdillahi Sultan Deria, and Sultan Abdulrahman Sultan Deria), and two Western-educated moderate politicians (Michael Mariano, Abdirahman Ali Mohamed Dubeh) visited London and New York. During their tour of London, they formally met and discussed the issue with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd. They told Lennox-Boyd about the 1885 Anglo-Somali treaties. Under the agreements, Michael Mariano stated, the British Government 'undertook never to cede, sell, mortgage or otherwise give for occupation, save to the British Government, any portion of the territory inhabited by them or being under their control'. But now the Somali people 'have heard that their land was being given to Ethiopia under an Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1897'. That treaty, however, was 'in conflict' with the Anglo-Somali treaties 'which took precedence in time' over the 1897 Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty[.] The British Government had 'exceeded its powers when it concluded the 1897 Treaty and ... the 1897 Treaty was not binding on the tribes.' Sultan Abdillahi also added that the 1954 agreement was a 'great shock to the Somali people' since they had not been told about the negotiations, and since the British Government had been administering the area since 1941. The delegates requested, as Sultan Abdulrahman put it, the postponement of the implementation of the agreement to 'grant the delegation time to put up their case' in Parliament and in international organizations.^[39]