William Shirley

Britain captured Acadia from France in Queen Anne's War (1702–1713), but the Treaty of Utrecht left Cape Breton Island in French hands, and did not clearly demarcate a boundary between New France and the British colonies on the Atlantic coast.^[30] To protect the crucial passageway of the Saint Lawrence River into the heart of New France, France built a strong fortress at Louisbourg on the Atlantic coast of Cape Breton Island.^[31]

When Shirley took office, relations between France and Britain were strained, and there was a possibility that Britain would be drawn into the War of the Austrian Succession, which had started on the European mainland in 1740.^[32] Shirley was able to finesse his restrictions on the production of paper currency to achieve an updating of the province's defences, and in 1742 requested permission from the Board of Trade for the printing of additional currency should war break out.^[33] This permission was granted in 1743, along with a warning that war with France was likely.^[34] France declared war against Britain in March 1744, and forces from Louisbourg raided the British fishing port of Canso on the northern end of mainland Nova Scotia before its residents were aware they were at war.^[35] French privateers also began preying on British and colonial vessels. British colonial governors along the coast, including Shirley, sent colonial guard ships and authorized their own privateers in response, neutralizing the French activity.^[36]

Canso was used by New England fishermen, and as such its fall was of interest to Massachusetts. Shirley had, prior to its capture, received a request for assistance from the lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, Paul Mascarene, for support in the defence of Annapolis Royal. In response to the fall of Canso and a second, urgent request from Mascarene, Shirley promptly despatched two companies of volunteers to Annapolis Royal.^[37] The timely arrival of these troops in early July broke up a siege.^[38]

John Bradstreet, who had been captured at Canso and held prisoner at Louisbourg, returned to New England in a prisoner exchange, and gave a detailed report to Shirley that emphasised the weaknesses of the French fort.^[39] William Vaughn, who owned several businesses in Maine that were vulnerable to raids from New France, toured New England advocating an expedition to capture Louisbourg.^[40] Shirley and other leaders in New England and New York sent letters to colonial authorities in London seeking support for such an expedition, citing the vulnerable conditions at Louisbourg.^[41] Vaughn and Bradstreet wanted to attack Louisbourg that winter with an all-colonial force. Shirley doubted the practicality of that plan, but in January 1745 submitted it to the provincial assembly (General Court), which declined to support the plan, but did request that Britain undertake an attack on Louisbourg.^[42]

Vaughn continued to advocate for a quick all-American expedition, enlisting the support of fishing captains, merchants and 200 "principal gentlemen" of Boston.^[43] Shirley called the General Court into session to discuss the matter once more, and the proposal was submitted to a committee chaired by William Pepperrell. The committee reported favourably on the plan, and it was approved by a single vote when several opponents were absent from the chamber.^[44]

Shirley appointed a reluctant William Pepperrell to command the expedition, William Vaughn was appointed colonel, but without a command position, and John Bradstreet was appointed as a military advisor to Pepperrell.^[45] Shirley requested support for the expedition from Peter Warren, commodore of the Royal Navy squadron in the West Indies, but Warren declined due to the strenuous objections of his captains. This news arrived in Boston just as the expedition was preparing to leave.^[46]

Despite the absence of support from the Royal Navy, the New England expedition set out in March 1745 for Louisbourg.^[47] More than 4,000 men on more than 90 transports (mainly fishing boats and coastal traders), escorted by six colonial guard ships, descended on Canso, where the expedition waited for the ice to clear from Gabarus Bay, the site just south of Louisbourg that had been chosen for the troop landing.^[48] Starting on 22 April the expedition was joined by four Royal Navy warships under the command of Commodore Warren,^[49] who received orders (issued in January, but not received until after his previous refusal) to assist the expedition.^[50]

Provincial troops began landing at Gabarus Bay on 30 April, and laid siege to the fortress while the British navy blockaded the harbour.^[51] The provincials began suffering battle losses, while the British naval commanders present, who had a low opinion of provincial soldiers, grew increasingly critical of their efforts. Warren tried to exert control over the provincials, but Pepperrell resisted his efforts.^[52] Louisbourg surrendered on 17 June. The provincials lost 180 men to combat, disease or drowning during the siege, while the Royal Navy did not fire on the fortress and lost just one sailor.^[53] As the victors settled into their occupation of Louisbourg, friction grew between the provincials and the British. The terms of surrender guaranteed the French in all of their possessions, leaving no plunder for the provincial troops.^[54] On the other hand, the Royal Navy had captured several richly-laden French ships, and British sailors on shore leave further strained relations with the provincials by bragging about the quantity of prize money they had received.^[55]

The provincial troops had signed up to capture Louisbourg, and expected to go home after siege ended.^[56] The Broad Bottom ministry, who had believed that provincials were incapable of capturing Louisbourg on their own, had made no plans to send British regulars to take over occupation of the fortress.^[57] When it became evident that regulars would not be relieving the provincials until after winter had passed, Shirley travelled to Louisbourg to raise the morale of the occupational garrison there.^[58] His first speech to them had little effect, and some provincials were close to mutiny.^[59] In a second speech, Shirley promised to send home more troops immediately, and provide higher pay and better supplies for those who stayed until spring.^[60] Honors for the victors were sparse; Pepperrell was made a baronet, he and Shirley were made colonels in the British Army with the right to raise their own regiments, and Warren was promoted to rear admiral.^[61]

Shirley had engaged in the Louisbourg campaign primarily as a way to ensure British interests in the Atlantic fisheries. The victory, however, made him expand his vision to encompass the possibility of capturing all of New France. After capturing the French fort he wrote to Newcastle, proposing a series of expeditions to gain control of all of North America as far west as the Mississippi River, starting with one that would go up the Saint Lawrence from Louisbourg.^[62] Upon his return to Boston, Shirley began making preparations for such an expedition.^[63] In May 1746 he received plans for London outlining an attempt on Quebec using Royal Navy and provincial forces, while a second expedition was to attack Fort Saint-Frédéric on Lake Champlain.^[64] Shirley stepped up recruiting in Massachusetts and asked neighboring governors to contribute men and resources to the effort.^[65] Expected support from Britain never arrived, however, and the 1746 expeditions were called off.^[66]

أثناء انتظاره لخطة نهائية من لندن بشأن خطط عام ١٧٤٧، عزز شيرلي دفاعات المقاطعة الغربية، وفي ربيع ذلك العام بدأ بإرسال الإمدادات إلى وادي نهر هدسون تحسبًا للتحرك نحو حصن سانت فريدريك. ^{[ ٦٧ ]} ثم وردت أنباء من نيوكاسل تفيد بأن المؤسسة البريطانية لن تدعم أي حملات ضد فرنسا الجديدة. وقد كان لانخفاض الإنفاق العسكري الناتج عن ذلك آثار سلبية على اقتصاد ماساتشوستس، مما أضر بشعبية شيرلي. ^{[ ٦٨ ]}

استفاد شيرلي شخصيًا من أنشطة الإمداد المحيطة بحملة لويسبورغ. في عام 1746، استخدم الأموال لشراء عقار في روكسبري ، حيث بنى قصرًا فخمًا، يُعرف الآن باسم منزل شيرلي-يوستيس . قبل اكتمال البناء، توفيت زوجته بمرض الحمى في أغسطس 1746؛ ودُفنت في كنيسة الملك . ^{[ 69 ]}

أثناء وجود الحاكم شيرلي في لويسبورغ، كانت التوترات تتصاعد بين البحرية الملكية وسكان بوسطن. ^{[ 70 ]} لطالما سعت البحرية إلى تجنيد الأمريكيين قسرًا على متن سفنها. ^{[ 71 ]} كان التجنيد القسري ممارسة راسخة في بريطانيا، لكن تطبيقه في أمريكا قوبل بمقاومة من المستعمرين. في عام 1702، أطلق حصن ويليام في جزيرة القلعة النار على سفينة تابعة للبحرية الملكية أثناء محاولتها مغادرة ميناء بوسطن وعلى متنها ستة رجال تم تجنيدهم قسرًا مؤخرًا. ^{[ 72 ]} نتيجةً للشكاوى الأمريكية (التي عززها التجار البريطانيون)، حظر البرلمان في عام 1708 التجنيد القسري في المستعمرات الأمريكية. ^{[ 73 ]} جادل قادة البحرية بأن الإعفاء الأمريكي من التجنيد القسري كان ساريًا فقط خلال حرب الملكة آن، التي انتهت عام 1713. عمليًا، كان على قادة البحرية الملكية التقدم بطلب إلى حكام المستعمرات للحصول على ترخيص لتجنيد الرجال قسرًا. ^{[ 74 ]} في أواخر نوفمبر 1745، أسفر شجار بين مجموعة من المجندين قسراً وبعض البحارة المقيمين في نزل ببوسطن عن إصابة اثنين من البحارة بجروح قاتلة. وُجهت تهمة القتل إلى اثنين من أعضاء المجموعة وأُدينا، لكن أُطلق سراحهما بعد أن تبين بطلان لائحة الاتهام. ^{[ 75 ]}

Two years later Commodore Charles Knowles, who served as Governor of Louisbourg after its capture, had a large number of seamen from Boston harbour impressed for service in his squadron. A mob of more than 300 men seized three naval officers and a deputy sheriff and beat the sheriff. The mob then went to Governor Shirley's house, demanding the release of the men impressed by Knowles. Shirley tried to call out the militia, but they did not respond. Shirley did succeed in getting the naval officers into his house, and the mob eventually left. Later in the day Shirley went to the Town House to meet the people. The mob, now consisting of several thousand people, attacked the Town House, breaking many windows in the building. Shirley spoke to the mob and promised to present their demands to Commodore Knowles. The mob left, intending to find a Royal Navy ship to burn.^[76]

After Shirley had returned home that afternoon, the mob, which had seized another naval officer and several petty officers, returned to his house. Shirley ordered a number of armed men who were protecting his house to fire at the mob, but William Pepperrell was able to stop Shirley's men from firing and to persuade the mob to leave. In the meantime, Commodore Knowles threatened to bombard Boston with his squadron. It was only after the Massachusetts Council adopted resolutions in support of the demands of the mob that the situation became quieter in Boston. The mob eventually released its hostages and Knowles released the impressed seamen.^[77]

Another issue of contention was compensation to the American colonies by Britain for the costs of the expedition against Louisbourg and the long occupation by American troops until the British Army finally took over.^[78] This presented Shirley with a problem, because the expedition's leaders, including his former ally Samuel Waldo, grossly inflated their claimed costs. Waldo used Shirley's unwillingness to openly act against him to begin his own efforts to topple the governor.^[79] Shirley was only able to forestall this effort by promising the colonial administration that he would achieve financial stability in the province by retiring its paper currency.^[80]

The British government was also slow in responding to requests for compensation.^[78] While waiting for a response, the question of how to use any compensation was debated in provincial newspapers and pamphlets. Some, such as Samuel Adams (father of the famous American Revolution leader), advocated placing the money in London banks to serve as backing for the paper currency issued by the colonies. Others, including William Douglass and Thomas Hutchinson, speaker of the General Court, favoured using the compensation to redeem the paper currency and give Massachusetts a hard currency.^[81] In 1748 the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle returned Louibourg to France, with Massachusetts still awaiting compensation for its seizure.^[82]

In the meantime, Governor Shirley had been trying to finance a campaign to capture Fort St. Frédéric (at present-day Crown Point, New York), for which he issued more paper money. The campaign was abandoned when the colonies failed to support it, but the resulting inflation helped turn supporters of Shirley against him.^[83] The loss of Louisbourg increase public dissatisfaction with Shirley, who was seen as complicit in British scheming against the American colonies. Even William Pepperrell joined the large number of citizens calling for Shirley's removal.^[84]Samuel Adams edited and Gamaliel Rogers and Daniel Fowle published The Independent Advertiser, which regularly criticised the British government and Shirley's administration. The paper published several of Shirley's letters to officials in Britain that were critical of Americans, and regularly called for the governor's removal.^[85]William Douglass, a prominent physician in Boston, wrote a series of pamphlets (published by Rogers and Fowle) attacking Shirley, Commodore Knowles, and the whole conduct of the campaign for Louisbourg and its occupation. Both Shirley and Knowles sued Douglass for libel, but lost their cases in court.^[86]

Shirley's conflict with Samuel Waldo over expenses eventually reached a high pitch: Shirley had successfully attached some of Waldo's assets in legal action, which Waldo had countered with further legal action. Shirley appealed these actions to London, and was granted permission (received in August 1749) to travel to London to deal with the matter.^[87] He sailed for Britain in September 1749, just before the long promised compensation reached Boston.^[84] Under legislation shepherded by Thomas Hutchinson, the specie delivered was used to retire the paper currency.^[88] While Shirley was abroad, Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, and others served as his surrogates,^[89] and he carefully instructed Lieutenant Governor Spencer Phips to not give his enemies opportunities to manoeuvre in his absence.^[90]

تواصل حاكم نوفا سكوتيا، تشارلز لورانس، مع شيرلي لطلب المساعدة في مواجهة التهديد الفرنسي على حدود المقاطعة، مقترحًا التعاون في العمليات العسكرية هناك. ^{[ 105 ]} اعتقد شيرلي ولورانس أن حملتهما المقترحة ستتطلب أيضًا مساعدة من بريطانيا، فأرسلا رسائل يطلبان فيها ذلك. وفي الوقت نفسه، كثّفا الاستعدادات تحسبًا للموافقة على الطلب. ^{[ 106 ]} كما أُمر شيرلي بتفعيل فوجِه وتجنيد أفرادٍ فيه ، والذي كان من المقرر أن يخدم ضمن قوات برادوك. ولأنه لم يستطع مغادرة المقاطعة، أرسل أحد أبنائه إلى نيويورك لتجنيد قوات هناك؛ إذ كان يجري تجنيد رجال من ماساتشوستس لحملة نوفا سكوتيا. ^{[ 107 ]} علاوة على ذلك، أعاد إحياء فكرة شن حملة ضد حصن سانت فريدريك، على الرغم من أنه حصر عمليات السنة الأولى في إنشاء حصن في الطرف الجنوبي من بحيرة جورج ، وسعى إلى استقطاب قادة المستعمرات المجاورة للمساعدة في العملية. ^{[ 108 ]} نجح في استرضاء حاكم نيويورك بالنيابة، جيمس ديلانسي ، الذي كان معادياً لمصالح ماساتشوستس، باقتراحه أن يقود الحملة مفوض نيويورك لشؤون الهنود، الكولونيل ويليام جونسون . كان جونسون متردداً في البداية، لكن شيرلي تمكن من إقناعه بتولي القيادة. ^{[ 109 ]}

بعد أن أصبحت حرب السنوات السبع (الحرب الفرنسية والهندية) شأناً إمبريالياً، أُرسل فوجان من الجيش البريطاني بقيادة الجنرال إدوارد برادوك إلى أمريكا. وفي مراسلات مكتوبة، أعلن برادوك نيته استخدام هذه القوة ضد حصن دوكين في منطقة أوهايو، بينما سعى شيرلي دون جدوى لإقناعه باستهداف حصن نياجرا بدلاً من ذلك . ^{[ 110 ]} وفي مؤتمر للحكام والقادة العسكريين في أبريل 1755، أبدى شيرلي إعجابه ببرادوك. أعلن برادوك أن دوكين سيكون هدفه، لكنه سمح لشيرلي بقيادة فوجيه وفوج السير ويليام بيبريل إلى حصن نياجرا، وأكد قيادة جونسون لحملة بحيرة جورج. لم تمنح تعليمات برادوك شيرلي سوى قيادة غامضة على جونسون، وهو ما أصبح لاحقاً مصدراً للمشاكل. وكان من المقرر أن تُنفذ الحملتان الشماليتان دون مساعدة لوجستية من الجيش النظامي. ^{[ 111 ]}

بعد المؤتمر، سافر شيرلي إلى مدينة نيويورك، حيث تفاوض مع التجار لتأمين الإمدادات لبعثته. واستمرت العلاقة المتوترة بينه وبين الحاكم ديلانسي؛ إذ اعترض آل ديلانسي على ما اعتبروه تدخلاً من ماساتشوستس في شؤون مقاطعتهم. ^{[ 112 ]} وعندما سعى شيرلي لمنع وكيل نيويورك، أوليفر ديلانسي، من التجنيد في كونيتيكت، أثار ذلك ضجة كبيرة وهدد بتعطيل خطط بعثات نيويورك. ثم أحدث شيرلي شرخًا مع جونسون بمحاولته سحب قوات من قيادة جونسون لزيادة قواته لبعثة حصن نياجرا. وتفاقم العداء بسبب تنافس البعثتين على الإمدادات من المصادر نفسها، كما زاد من حدته النزاعات الحدودية المستمرة بين المقاطعتين. ^{[ 113 ]}

عندما التقى شيرلي وجونسون في يوليو 1755 قبل انطلاق رحلتيهما، استمر التوتر بينهما، وأرجأ جونسون اتخاذ القرارات بشأن تكليف قوات هندية مساعدة بحملة شيرلي، مشيرًا إلى أن جزءًا كبيرًا من الحملة كان يمر عبر أراضي الإيروكوا الصديقة ، حيث لن تكون هناك حاجة إليهم بعد. اعتبر شيرلي هذا التصرف عصيانًا. ^{[ 114 ]} ولأنه كان يعتقد أنه أعلى رتبة من جونسون، سعى شيرلي بعد ذلك إلى تجاوز وكيل شؤون الهنود والتفاوض مباشرة مع القبائل لتجنيد المقاتلين، لكن جونسون ومرؤوسيه عارضوا هذه الخطوة بشدة. ^{[ 115 ]} كما اعترض الإيروكوا على وجود وكيل التجنيد التابع لشيرلي، العقيد جون ليديوس، الذي كانت لديهم معه خلافات عالقة بشأن معاملات أراضٍ سابقة. ^{[ 116 ]} ومما زاد الوضع تعقيدًا أن جونسون وشيرلي لم يسبق لهما قيادة حملات بهذا الحجم والنطاق. ^{[ 117 ]}

Shirley's expedition reached Fort Oswego in mid-August. The trek up the Mohawk River had been slowed by low water, and it was being incompetently supplied, resulting in a shortage of provisions.^[118] Shirley learned en route that General Braddock had died in the aftermath of 13 July Battle of the Monongahela, which also claimed the life of Shirley's son William.^[119] As a result, he became temporary commander-in-chief of North American forces.^[120] His expedition then became bogged down at Fort Oswego by the need to improve its defenses, and the ongoing provisioning crisis. In a council on 18 September it was decided to proceed with plans to reach Fort Niagara, but one week later the decision was reversed. Shirley returned to Albany, preoccupied with the need to manage the entire British war effort on the continent.^[121]

William Johnson's expedition fared little better than Shirley's. He reached the southern end of Lake George, where his forces had an inconclusive encounter with French forces on 8 September,^[122] and began work on Fort William Henry.^[123] Rumors of French movements brought a flurry of activity in November, but when the opposition failed to materialize, much of Johnson's force abandoned the camp to return home. Shirley had to pressure New England's governors to assign militia to the new posting for the winter.^[124]

In Nova Scotia, Governor Lawrence had easily captured Fort Beauséjour,^[125] and had then embarked on what has since become known as the Great Expulsion, the forcible removal of more than 12,000 Acadians from Nova Scotia. When some of the ships carrying the Acadians entered Boston Harbor in early December 1755, Shirley ordered that they not disembark. For three winter months, until March 1756, the Acadians remained on the ships, where half died from the cold weather and malnutrition.^[126]

During the winter of 1755–56 Shirley's feud with Johnson continued. Johnson, who was being advised by Thomas Pownall, continued to assert his exclusive authority over interactions with Indians, and renewed complaints about Shirley's interference in recruiting for the 1755 campaign. In one letter Johnson wrote that Shirley had "become my inveterate enemy" who would do everything he could "to blast if he can my character."^[127] Johnson made common cause with the DeLanceys (to whom he was related by marriage) in their dislike of Shirley.^[128][129] They all fed unflattering reports to the new New York governor, Sir Charles Hardy, who forwarded them on to London. Shirley was unaware of this looming threat to his authority.^[130]

As commander-in-chief, Shirley made a grandiose proposal for the 1756 campaign season in November 1755, continuing the routes of attack begun in 1755 and adding an expedition to Quebec via the Kennebec River.^[131] However, the complaints against him had reached the Duke of Newcastle, who felt he needed someone less embroiled in controversies with other leaders in charge of military matters in North America.^[132] British leaders had also received intercepted letters destined for France that some believed might have been written by Shirley, in part because he married a Frenchwoman. Thomas Pownall traveled to London in early 1756 and further denounced Shirley to the colonial administration. Shirley did not learn of these matters until April 1756, by which time the British leadership had already decided to replace him as commander-in-chief.^[133]

While waiting for his replacement (Lord Loudoun) Shirley made every effort to advance supplies and reinforcements to the Fort Oswego garrison, which had been on short rations for the winter, and whose supply line had been interrupted by the Battle of Fort Bull in March 1756.^[134] He continued to mobilize resources and personnel for at least the Oswego and Lake George efforts, but his authority was waning due to widespread knowledge of his replacement. Military affairs continued to deteriorate on the New York frontier before Loudoun finally arrived in July 1756;^[135] Fort Oswego fell to the French on 10 August.^[136]

على الرغم من إقالة شيرلي من منصب القائد العام، إلا أنه احتفظ بمنصب حاكم ولاية ماساتشوستس. وتوقع أن يفقد حتى هذا المنصب بعد عودته إلى بوسطن في أغسطس بفترة وجيزة. ^{[ 136 ]} ومع ذلك، لم يُعيّن بديل له بعد، ورأى لاودون إما تدخل شيرلي أو عدم فعاليته في كل ما كان خاطئًا على حدود نيويورك. كما أثار تساؤلات تفصيلية حول نفقات شيرلي المتعلقة بالحرب، والتي خلص هو (ومؤرخون لاحقون) إلى أنها كانت إنفاقًا مُقنّعًا بشكل سيئ على المحسوبية. ^{[ 137 ] [ 138 ]} تجادل لاودون وشيرلي حول العديد من القضايا، بما في ذلك استمرار شيرلي في الاستعدادات العسكرية بعد يناير 1756، عندما صدر قرار تعيين لاودون. وأشار شيرلي إلى أنه من غير المعقول أن تتوقع القيادة البريطانية توقف الاستعدادات في الفترة الفاصلة بين تعيين لاودون ووصوله لتولي القيادة. وبينما كان ينتظر الإعلان عن بديل له، أخذ شيرلي إفادات، وجمع أدلة لدعم روايته للأحداث، وعمل على إغلاق شؤونه المالية. ^{[ 139 ]} (كان لاودون يعتقد أن شيرلي أخر رحيله عمدًا كمناورة سياسية.) ^{[ 140 ]} أبحر إلى إنجلترا في أكتوبر 1756. ^{[ 141 ]} سيتم استبدال شيرلي رسميًا بتوماس باونال في عام 1757. ^{[ 142 ]}